Diachronic Word Embeddings Reveal Statistical Laws of Semantic Change
Written for the Research library (claude-opus-5-5) from the paper text. Original — aclanthology.org/P16-1141.pdf
Summary
How fast a word's meaning drifts, and which properties of a word drive that drift, has mostly been studied through hand-picked examples. Large-scale historical evidence about meaning is hard to obtain. Hamilton, Leskovec and Jurafsky develop diachronic word embeddings into a tested measurement tool. They train decade-by-decade PPMI, SVD and SGNS (word2vec) representations on six historical corpora: five from Google N-Grams plus COHA. Together these cover English, German, French and Chinese over roughly two centuries. The low-dimensional spaces are mapped onto shared axes with orthogonal Procrustes. Change is then quantified in two ways: as shifts in similarity between word pairs, or as a word's displacement across decades. The methods are validated against documented historical shifts. Applying the pipeline across languages yields two regularities. First, frequent words drift more slowly, following an inverse power law (law of conformity). Second, once frequency is controlled for, contextually diverse (polysemous) words change faster (law of innovation). These results give historical semantics a quantitative baseline. They also suggest that polysemy may drive semantic change, not merely result from it.
Key points
- Data. The six datasets are ENGALL, ENGFIC, COHA, FREALL, GERALL and CHIALL.
- The Google data spans 1800–1999, except Chinese, which spans 1950–1999. COHA spans 1810–2009.
- All data is binned by decade, and the Google 2000s decade is dropped.
- COHA lemmas were used to confirm that results hold for both lemmas and raw tokens.
- Setup. The context window is symmetric, with 4 words on each side. SVD and SGNS vectors have 300 dimensions. Procrustes alignment is solved via SVD. Incremental initialization for SGNS barely affected the results.
- Polysemy measure. Polysemy is estimated from a word's local clustering coefficient in a co-occurrence network.
- The measure correlates with frequency (Pearson 0.45 < r < 0.8).
- After controlling for frequency, change scales with polysemy as a power law, with exponent β_d between 0.37 and 0.77.
- Explanatory power. Frequency and polysemy together explain 48%–88% of the variance in rates of semantic change (marginal R²).
- Resources. The embeddings and analysis code are publicly released as HistWords (nlp.stanford.edu/projects/histwords).
Cited by
- Evaluating Word Embeddings on Low-Resource Languages
- Climbing towards NLU: On Meaning, Form, and Understanding in the Age of Data
- Syntactic Language Change in English and German: Metrics, Parsers, and Convergences
- Analysing Lexical Semantic Change with Contextualised Word Representations
- Inductive Representation Learning on Large Graphs
- Diachronic word embeddings and semantic shifts: a survey
- Where New Words Are Born: Distributional Semantic Analysis of Neologisms and Their Semantic Neighborhoods
- Detecting Syntactic Change Using a Neural Part-of-Speech Tagger
- Modeling the Evolution of English Noun Compounds with Feature-Rich Diachronic Compositionality Prediction
- SemEval-2020 Task 1: Unsupervised Lexical Semantic Change Detection
- Can Large Language Models Transform Computational Social Science?
Cite
@inproceedings{hamilton2016diachronic,
title = {{Diachronic Word Embeddings Reveal Statistical Laws of Semantic Change}},
author = {Hamilton, William L. and Leskovec, Jure and Jurafsky, Dan},
booktitle = {Proceedings of the 54th Annual Meeting of the Association for Computational Linguistics (Volume 1: Long Papers)},
year = {2016},
doi = {10.18653/v1/p16-1141},
eprint = {1605.09096},
archivePrefix = {arXiv},
url = {https://doi.org/10.18653/v1/p16-1141}
}References
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