On reconstruction effects in English <i>wh</i>-slifting: Theoretical and experimental considerations
Paper · 2019 · Christos Vlachos, Nikoletta Christou and Kleanthes K. Grohmann
Summary
The paper looks at English wh-slifting, as in "Who did Mary see, do you think?". Here a wh-question comes before a yes/no host question. The host verb normally takes declarative complements, yet the sentence is understood as if the wh-clause were that verb's complement. Earlier work (Haddican et al. 2014; Stepanov & Stateva 2016) used binding facts to argue that the two clauses are only paratactically linked, meaning the slift never sits below the host verb.
The authors re-examine Binding Principle C in two ways. They compare the "initial" order with the "split" order, and they vary the category of the wh-phrase. Some coreference patterns turn out to be impossible, and this only makes sense if the slift is interpreted below the host predicate. For Principle A, they ran a small acceptability-judgement pilot. Its results suggest that reflexives either support reconstruction or behave as exempt anaphors, so either way they give no evidence against it.
The overall verdict favours a hypotactic analysis. This leaves an open puzzle: how a proposition-selecting verb can take a question.
Key points
- Two equivalent word orders are distinguished:
- initial: "What did John buy, do you think?"
- split: "What, do you think, did John buy?"
- With the split order, coreference between he and John is ruled out. This is a Principle C violation, which shows that the slift reconstructs. It also shows that the host is not a parenthetical adjunct placed inside the slift.
- In the initial order, an adjectival wh-phrase also blocks coreference ("How afraid of John are you, does he think?"). So the earlier claim that Principle C "bleeds" in slifting does not hold in general.
- The authors set aside the backward variable-binding argument. Host subjects are strongly restricted to the second person, and quantifiers, indefinites, numerals and NPIs are infelicitous there for independent reasons.
- In the Principle A pilot, the "intermediate" condition lowered acceptability both for slifting ("whole") and for ordinary wh-movement ("part"). In the ordinary-movement case, mean ratings fell from 6.29 (part–base) to 5.96 (part–intermediate), close to the GA value of 5.62. The control items came from Frank Keller.
Interesting ideas
- I1. Test structure by checking whether two surface orders with the same meaning get the same verdict under a single constraint; a mismatch shows which attachment analysis is wrong.
- I2. Before using a failed binding or quantifier reading as structural evidence, rule out an independent pragmatic restriction that might cause it, as the authors do with the host's second-person subjects.
- I3. Compare the target construction against a baseline construction (ordinary wh-movement) built with the same factorial manipulation, so that any effect common to both can be factored out.
- I4. Treat some reflexives as exempt (logophoric) anaphors rather than as strictly bound ones, so that they do not count as evidence about syntactic position.
- I5. Read slifted questions like "X, do you think?" as the embedded question of the host verb, since the meaning is a question about the hearer's belief.
For Mova
How these ideas could serve Mova, our small open language model — its files, stages and tests:
- I1 (tree): Paraphrase-order pairs can be fed to the parsers to check whether the attachment of a fronted or interrupting clause stays consistent across orders.
- I2 (learn): Evaluation could add negative controls that separate pragmatic infelicity from structural ungrammaticality before a parse is blamed.
- I3 (learn): Self-repair rules could be validated by checking whether an error pattern also appears in a matched baseline construction, which would make it a general effect rather than a construction-specific one.
- I4 (frames): Coreference for himself inside fronted or picture-NP phrases could allow a perspective-holder antecedent instead of demanding a c-commanding one.
- I5 (answer): QA and speech-act handling could map these questions to "what does the addressee think about X", rather than treating them as two unrelated questions.
Institutions
Fields, topics and concepts
📚 Shelves 6The field of science this work belongs to (OpenAlex fields).Arts and Humanities · 16,039 worksLanguage and Linguistics · 15,891 worksPsychology · 1,552 worksDevelopmental and Educational Psychology · 499 worksNeuroscience · 165 worksCognitive Neuroscience · 164 works
🧭 Topics 1Research subjects and languages the work is about.English · 2,263 works
Cite
Cite as Christos Vlachos, Nikoletta Christou and Kleanthes K. Grohmann. 2019. On reconstruction effects in English <i>wh</i>-slifting: Theoretical and experimental considerations. Glossa: a journal of general linguistics.
@article{vlachos2019reconstruction,
title = {{On reconstruction effects in English <i>wh</i>-slifting: Theoretical and experimental considerations}},
author = {Christos Vlachos, Nikoletta Christou and Kleanthes K. Grohmann},
journal = {Glossa: a journal of general linguistics},
year = {2019},
doi = {10.5334/gjgl.717},
url = {https://doi.org/10.5334/gjgl.717}
}References
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- How to cite this article: Vlachos, Christos, Nikoletta Christou and Kleanthes K. Grohmann. 2019. On reconstruction effects in English wh-slifting: Theoretical and experimental considerations. Glossa: a journal of general linguistics 4(1): 138. 1–17. DOI: https://doi.org/10.5334/gjgl.717 ↗
- Accepted: 15 September 2019 find
- Published: 23 December 2019 find
- Copyright: © 2019 The Author(s). This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (CC-BY 4.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. See http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/. Glossa: a journal of general linguistics is a peer-reviewed open access journal published by Ubiquity Press. OPEN ACCESS ↗
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