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Sound change and coarticulatory variability involving English /ɹ/

Paper · 2019 · Bridget J. Smith, Jeff Mielke, Lyra Magloughlin et al.

Summary

The study tests a common idea in sound change research: speakers produce English /ɹ/ with hidden tongue and lip differences, ranging from bunched to retroflex with varying lip rounding, and these differences might push nearby consonants toward change. The authors used two datasets. One was sociolinguistic interviews with 162 speakers from Raleigh, North Carolina. The other was a pilot laboratory dataset in which 29 additional talkers were recorded with ultrasound imaging and lip video. They examined three changes in progress, /stɹ/ retraction and /tɹ/ and /dɹ/ affrication, along with /s z/ next to /ɹ/ both inside words and across word boundaries.

The three established changes increase across apparent time, but in the mostly young lab sample they show no link to how a speaker shapes /ɹ/. They already behave as stored categories. Word-final /s z/ before word-initial /ɹ/ is different: it stays close to /s z/ while anticipatory lip rounding lowers its spectral peak, and the lowering is stronger when the transition is faster.

This matters because covert variation can only be observed in patterns that have not yet been phonologized.

Key points

  • The data come from 162 Raleigh speakers in sociolinguistic interviews and a pilot ultrasound and lip-video corpus of 29 talkers.
  • /stɹ/ retraction and /tɹ/ and /dɹ/ affrication rise over apparent time. However, /ɹ/ tongue shape has no effect on them in the lab data, so they appear already phonologized in Raleigh.
  • Speakers who do not retract in /stɹ/ still produce a /t/ there that resembles affricated /tɹ/. LDA gives this /t/ positive signals for both /ʃ/ and /ɹ/.
  • Cross-boundary /s#ɹ/ and /z#ɹ/ show the largest differences between bunchers and retroflexers. They also show a lip-rounding-driven low-mid spectral peak, measured with COG and multitaper spectra (MTS).
  • Because of prosodic limitations, the authors could not tie peak lowering to tip-up versus tip-down gestures. Lip rounding explains most of the acoustic effect.

Interesting ideas

  • I1. The authors look for a mechanism only in contexts where it is not yet conventionalized, because a phonologized pattern hides its original cause.
  • I2. They train an LDA on clear category exemplars and then score intermediate tokens against each category, which yields graded and interpretable membership in two classes at once.
  • I3. Gradient, online effects should vary with the conditioning environment and its timing, while stored patterns stay stable; this stability works as a diagnostic for categorization.
  • I4. Before crediting the hypothesized cause (tongue shape), they checked an alternative factor (lip rounding) and found it explained most of the effect, and they kept prevocalic baselines as controls.
  • I5. The authors compare within-word and cross-word-boundary sequences, expecting gradient behaviour across boundaries and lexicalized behaviour inside words.

For Mova

How these ideas could serve Mova, our small open language model — its files, stages and tests:

  • I1 (learn): When inducing repair rules, test them on constructions where the pattern is still productive, not on frozen or lexicalized ones, so the learned cause is the real one.
  • I2 (tokens): Ambiguous forms such as -ing words could be scored against prototype feature profiles for gerund, participle and adjective, so the tagger reports explainable mixed evidence instead of one hard label.
  • I3 (world): A fact whose value shifts with local context could be treated as derived at runtime, while a context-invariant one could be compiled into the knowledge base.
  • I4 (learn): Evaluations with negative controls should include a competing explanatory feature, so that a gain is not credited to the wrong module.
  • I5 (tree): The parser's evaluation could be split into within-word phenomena (clitics, compounds) and cross-word phenomena, since these may need different handling.

Our summary of the paper, in our own words — not its text. The work belongs to its authors; read it at the links above.

 Institutions

🎓University of California, BerkeleyBerkeley · United States127 works · 212,523 citations🎓University of OttawaOttawa · Canada9 works · 2,393 citations🎓North Carolina State UniversityRaleigh · United States7 works · 376 citations

📚 Shelves 4The field of science this work belongs to (OpenAlex fields).Arts and Humanities · 9,296 worksLanguage and Linguistics · 9,206 worksPsychology · 798 worksExperimental and Cognitive Psychology · 463 works

🧭 Topics 2Research subjects and languages the work is about.English · 1,373 worksHistorical linguistics & language change · 159 works

Cite

Cite as Bridget J. Smith, Jeff Mielke, Lyra Magloughlin and Eric Wilbanks. 2019. Sound change and coarticulatory variability involving English /ɹ/. Glossa: a journal of general linguistics.

The paper itself, not this page. BibTeX from the library's record of the work. DOI 10.5334/gjgl.650

@article{smith2019sound,
  title = {{Sound change and coarticulatory variability involving English /ɹ/}},
  author = {Bridget J. Smith, Jeff Mielke, Lyra Magloughlin and Eric Wilbanks},
  journal = {Glossa: a journal of general linguistics},
  year = {2019},
  doi = {10.5334/gjgl.650},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.5334/gjgl.650}
}

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  98. How to cite this article: Smith, Bridget J., Jeff Mielke, Lyra Magloughlin and Eric Wilbanks. 2019. Sound change and coarticulatory variability involving English /ɹ/. Glossa: a journal of general linguistics 4(1): 63. 1–51. DOI: https://doi.org/10.5334/gjgl.650 ↗
  99. Accepted: 28 January 2019 find
  100. Copyright: © 2019 The Author(s). This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (CC-BY 4.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. See http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/. Glossa: a journal of general linguistics is a peer-reviewed open access journal published by Ubiquity Press. OPEN ACCESS ↗

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