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Considering a resource-light approach to learning verb valencies

Paper · 2012 · Alex Rudnick

Summary

The paper asks how little linguistic infrastructure is enough to learn verb valency, meaning which arguments a verb takes and how often, for morphologically rich, under-resourced languages. The target is Quechua, and the intended consumer is L3, a rule-based dependency-grammar MT system. Quechua has no treebank to check results against, so the author tests the idea on Arabic. Running text is first passed through a morphological analyzer. Only sentences containing a single verb are kept, and case-marked nouns are counted as likely arguments using a few language-specific heuristics. The frames obtained this way are then compared with frames read off the Penn Arabic Treebank. The comparison is negative. Single-verb sentences have a different mix of verbs and leave out clausal complements entirely. On top of that, unvowelled Arabic script makes each word highly ambiguous. The author concludes that the realistic minimum is higher than planned: a POS tagger and a chunker, and for Arabic also a morphological disambiguator. This is a useful warning for anyone planning valency extraction with very few resources.

Key points

  • Languages and tools: Arabic, processed with AraMorph (a Free Software Buckwalter analyzer) and checked against the Penn Arabic Treebank. Quechua, processed with Gasser's AntiMorfo on a small AVENUE project corpus.
  • Arabic is highly ambiguous: about 7.5 Buckwalter analyses per word on average (σ = 8.4), and one word reaches 86 analyses. Quechua averages 1.7 (σ = 1.3, maximum 10), mainly because its orthography writes vowels.
  • Restricting to single-verb sentences skews the data in two ways:
    • The most frequent verbs differ from those in the corpus as a whole.
    • Typical uses vanish. "kAn" takes a verb-phrase argument about 400 times in the treebank, and "qAl" mostly takes an SBAR clause, but neither use can appear in one-verb sentences.
  • For Quechua, the analyzer often cannot tell whether a word is a verb at all. For example, waqaychu could be a verb, a noun or an infinitive.
  • Two open problems remain even with better tools:
    • Negative evidence: a frame that never shows up in a medium corpus is not thereby impossible.
    • Proposed remedy: active learning, where the system generates test sentences and crowd workers judge whether they are grammatical.

Interesting ideas

  • I1. Before trusting a cheap extraction method in a language with no gold data, run it on a language where a treebank exists and compare against frames from that treebank on the same text.
  • I2. A data filter chosen for convenience, such as keeping only one-verb sentences, can quietly change what is being measured, so compare the kept subset with the full data.
  • I3. Report ambiguity as mean, standard deviation and maximum number of analyses per token, as a quick diagnostic of how much downstream steps depend on disambiguation.
  • I4. Treat valency as a frequency profile rather than a yes/no property: "eat" usually takes an object, while "put" almost always does.
  • I5. To deal with missing negative evidence, generate probe sentences that use a verb in a suspected frame and ask a judge whether each one is grammatical.

For Mova

How these ideas could serve Mova, our small open language model — its files, stages and tests:

  • I1 (learn): Any shortcut silver-data pipeline could first be scored against treebank-derived frames on identical sentences, and adopted only if the two distributions agree.
  • I2 (learn): Silver-data filters, for instance keeping only sentences where all parsers agree, should be checked for skew in verb and construction distribution before the subset trains anything.
  • I3 (tokens): Logging these counts per lemma or genre in the en tagger would show where morphology leaves too many candidates for the parser to resolve.
  • I4 (world): Compiled verb-class knowledge could store graded frame probabilities next to VerbNet frames, so frame building can prefer likely readings and still allow rare ones.
  • I5 (learn): An LLM teacher tier could act as the grammaticality judge for generated probes, filling gaps in valency data that corpus counts cannot settle.

Our summary of the paper, in our own words — not its text. The work belongs to its authors; read it at the links above.

Cite

Cite as Alex Rudnick. 2012. Considering a resource-light approach to learning verb valencies. arXiv:1202.1054.

The paper itself, not this page. BibTeX from the library's record of the work. DOI 10.48550/arxiv.1202.1054 · arXiv 1202.1054

@misc{rudnick2012considering,
  title = {{Considering a resource-light approach to learning verb valencies}},
  author = {Alex Rudnick},
  year = {2012},
  doi = {10.48550/arxiv.1202.1054},
  eprint = {1202.1054},
  archivePrefix = {arXiv},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.48550/arxiv.1202.1054}
}

References

16 references, 2 of them with a card of ours. ↗ leads to the work, «find» searches for one we have no id for yet.

  1. Viktor Bielický and Otakar Smrž. 2008. Building the Valency Lexicon of Arabic Verbs. In Proceedings of the Sixth International Conference on Language Resources and Evaluation (LREC’08), Marrakech, Morocco, May. European Language Resources Association (ELRA). http://www.lrec-conf.org/proceedings/lrec2008/. ↗ our card
  2. Ondřej Bojar. 2003. Towards Automatic Extraction of Verb Frames. Prague Bulletin of Mathematical Linguistics, 79–80:101–120. find
  3. Michael R. Brent. 1993. From grammar to lexicon: Unsupervised learning of lexical syntax. Computational Linguistics, 19(2):243–262. find
  4. Pierrick Brihaye. 2004. Aramorph morphological analyzer for Arabic. find
  5. Ted Briscoe and John Carroll. 1997. Automatic extraction of subcategorization from corpora. In Proceedings of the fifth conference on Applied natural language processing, ANLC ’97, pages 356–363, Stroudsburg, PA, USA. Association for Computational Linguistics. ↗ our card
  6. Lukasz Debowski. 2009. Valence extraction using em selection and co-occurrence matrices. Language Resources and Evaluation, 43(4):301–327. ↗
  7. Susanne Gahl, Dan Jurafsky, and Douglas Roland. 2004. Verb subcategorization frequencies: American english corpus data, methodological studies, and cross-corpus comparisons. Behavior Research Methods, 36:432–443. 10.3758/BF03195591. ↗
  8. Michael Gasser. 2010. Antimorfo morphological analyzer for Quechua. find
  9. Michael Gasser. 2011. Towards synchronous Extensible Dependency Grammar. In International Workshop on Free/Open-Source Rule-Based Machine Translation. find
  10. Nizar Habash, Owen Rambow, and Ryan Roth. 2009. MADA+TOKAN: A Toolkit for Arabic Tokenization, Diacritization, Morphological Disambiguation, POS Tagging, Stemming and Lemmatization. In Proceedings of the 2nd International Conference on Arabic Language Resources and Tools (MEDAR), Cairo, Egypt. find
  11. M Maamouri, A Bies, T Buckwalter, and H Jin. 2005. Arabic Treebank: Part 1 v 3.0 (POS with full vocalization + syntactic analysis). LDC Cat. No.: LDC2005T02. find
  12. Christian Monson, Ariadna Font Llitjos, Roberto Aranovich, Lori Levin, Ralf Brown, Eric Peterson, Jaime Carbonell, and Alon Lavie. 2006. Building NLP Systems For Two Resource-Scarce Indigenous Languages: Mapudungun and Quechua. In SALTMIL Workshop on Minority Languages: Strategies for Developing Machine Translation for Minority Languages. find
  13. Adam Przepiórkowski. 2009. Aspects of natural language processing. chapter Towards the Automatic Acquisition of a Valence Dictionary for Polish, pages 191–210. Springer-Verlag, Berlin, Heidelberg. find
  14. Annette Rios, Anne Göhring, and Martin Volk. 2009. A Quechua-Spanish parallel treebank. In 7th Conference on Treebanks and Linguistic Theories, Groningen. find
  15. Akira Ushioda, David A. Evans, Ted Gibson, and Alex Waibel. 1993. The automatic acquisition of frequencies of verb subcategorization frames from tagged corpora. In SIGLEX ACL Workshop on the Acquisition of Lexical Knowledge from Text, pages 95–106. ↗
  16. Zdeněk Žabokrtský and Markéta Lopatková. 2007. Valency Information in VALLEX 2.0: Logical Structure of the Lexicon. In Prague Bulletin of Mathematical Linguistics, volume 87, pages 41–60. find

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