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An Integrated Approach to Reference and Presupposition Resolution

Paper · 1999 · Robert T. Kasper, Paul C. Davis and Craige Roberts

Summary

The paper argues that resolving pronouns and definite descriptions should not be a standalone task. Instead, both are special cases of a single process: satisfying presuppositions against a structured discourse context. Building on Roberts' framework of discourse as cooperative inquiry, the authors model context as an Information Structure. It holds the moves so far, the common ground (CG), a Domain of familiar discourse referents, and a stack of questions under discussion (QUD). The QUD stack mirrors the intentional hierarchy of a dialogue and narrows the search for antecedents and other presupposed material. The authors give algorithms for updating this structure and retrieving presupposed content, inside a partially implemented hotel-booking dialogue system. Four sample dialogues cover long-distance pronoun reference, a definite resolved via an indefinite in an earlier question, contextual domain restriction of "every," and an elliptical "How about X?" question. There is no quantitative evaluation. The contribution is a unified, explainable treatment of several context-dependent phenomena under one strategy.

Key points

  • Definites (pronouns, demonstratives, "the"-NPs) presuppose two things. Weak familiarity means the CG entails that a matching entity exists, with no explicit antecedent required. Informational uniqueness means only one familiar referent fits the description, which is weaker than Russell's semantic uniqueness.
  • Pronouns add a conventional requirement of maximal salience, implemented through the QUD stack. This explains why pronouns and definite descriptions are distributed differently.
  • Relevance is defined formally. An assertion must give at least a partial answer to the top question. A sub-question's full answer must contextually entail a partial answer to the question beneath it.
  • Several algorithms are presented, including resolve_WH_Ellipsis, a match-and-substitute step, add_domain_restriction, and a priority union of discourse representations. Logical forms are processed inside-out, so embedded presupposition problems are solved first.
  • The authors list open problems:
    • coercing requests and need/desire statements into questions;
    • inferring the user's domain goals;
    • running a corpus evaluation, which is still pending and hard because of domain knowledge.

Interesting ideas

  • I1. Treat every context-dependent construction as a presupposition to satisfy, with one shared search procedure; this replaces a separate module per phenomenon.
  • I2. Keep a stack of open questions where only the top is writable but every entry is readable, and pop a question when it is answered or shown unanswerable. This gives a cheap, explicit model of topic hierarchy for long-distance reference.
  • I3. Familiarity is licensed by what the common ground entails, not by a literal NP antecedent, so bridged or implied entities can still be referred to definitely.
  • I4. Use descriptions already present in the open questions as an approximate domain restriction, instead of running costly full plan inference.
  • I5. Resolve "How about X?" ellipsis by substituting X into the matching typed slot of the top open question; if the wh-slot is filled by a definite, the result becomes a yes/no question.

For Mova

How these ideas could serve Mova, our small open language model — its files, stages and tests:

  • I1 (frames): coreference, ellipsis and quantifier domain restriction in prag could share one "find it in context" routine, which makes each resolution step traceable to the same rule.
  • I2 (world): the world of a text could track open questions or goals alongside entities, so a pronoun many sentences later can be tied back to the still-open super-topic.
  • I3 (world): entities inferred from states and knowledge (e.g. a hotel implied by a booking) should be registered as referable, letting "the hotel" resolve without a prior mention.
  • I4 (answer): when a test question says "every morning" or "the box", the reader can restrict the domain using the content of the current question or task statement.
  • I5 (frames): fragment answers and follow-ups in QA on fables could be rebuilt by slot substitution into the prior question's frame, with a fallback that pops to older questions when no slot fits.

Our summary of the paper, in our own words — not its text. The work belongs to its authors; read it at the links above.

 Fields, topics and concepts

📚 Shelves 4The field of science this work belongs to (OpenAlex fields).Computer Science · 16,667 worksArtificial Intelligence · 16,194 worksArts and Humanities · 16,039 worksLanguage and Linguistics · 15,891 works

🧭 Topics 1Research subjects and languages the work is about.Implicature · 138 works

Cite

Cite as Robert T. Kasper, Paul C. Davis and Craige Roberts. 1999. An Integrated Approach to Reference and Presupposition Resolution. The Relation of Discourse/Dialogue Structure and Reference.

The paper itself, not this page. BibTeX from the library's record of the work.

@inproceedings{kasper1999integrated,
  title = {{An Integrated Approach to Reference and Presupposition Resolution}},
  author = {Robert T. Kasper, Paul C. Davis and Craige Roberts},
  booktitle = {The Relation of Discourse/Dialogue Structure and Reference},
  year = {1999},
  url = {https://aclanthology.org/W99-0101/}
}

References

13 references, 2 of them with a card of ours. ↗ leads to the work, «find» searches for one we have no id for yet.

  1. Lauri Carlson. 1983. Dialogue Games: An Approach to Discourse Analysis. Reidel, Dordrecht. find
  2. Barbara Grosz and Candace Sidner. 1986. Attention, intentions, and the structure of discourse. Computational Linguistics, 12(3):175-204. ↗
  3. Barbara J. Grosz, Aravind K. Joshi, and Scott Weinstein. 1995. Centering: A framework for modeling • the local coherence of discourse. Computational Linguistics, 21(2):203-225. ↗
  4. B.J. Grosz. 1981. Focusing and description in natural language dialogues. In B. Webber A. Joshi and I. Sag, editors, Elements ol Discourse Understanding, pages 84-105. Cambridge University Press, New York. find
  5. Irene Heim. 1982. On the Semantics of Definite and Indefinfle Noun Phrases. Ph.D. thesis, University of Massachusetts at Amherst. find
  6. Robert M. MacGregor. 1991. Using a description classifier to enhance deductive inference. In Proceedings of the Seventh IEEE Conference on AI Applications, pages 141-147. find
  7. Craige Roberts. 1995. Domain restriction in dynamic semantics. In A. Kratzer E. Bach, E. Jelinek and B.H. Partee, editors, Quantification in Natural Languages. Kluwer Academic Publishers. ↗
  8. Craige Roberts. 1996. Information structure in discourse: Towards an integrated formal theory of pragmaties. In Jae-Hak Yoon and Andreas Kathol, editors, OSU Working Papers in Linguistics, Vol 4g: Paper8 in S e - mantics. (also available vis the Internet at ftp://Zing, ohio-atal~e, edu/pub/rober~a/ infostructure, ps). find
  9. Craige Roberts. 1998. The place of centering in a general theory of anaphora resolution. In A.K. Joshi M.A. Walker and E.F. Prince, editors, Centering Theory in Discourse.. Clarendon Press, Oxford. ↗
  10. Cralge Roberts. 1999 (to appear). Uniqueness in definite noun phrasm. I, in~isti~ and Philosophy. (also available via the Internet at f~P://ling, ohio-~a~e, edu/pub/rober~ s/ uniquenees.ps). find
  11. Bertrand Russell. 1905. On denotlug. Mind, 66:479-493. find
  12. Robert Stalnaker. 1979. Assertion. In Peter Cole, editor, Syntaz and 8ema~i~, Volume 9. find
  13. Linda Z. Suri and Kathleen F. McCoy. 1994. Raft/rapt and centering: A comparison and dis-" cussion of problems related to processing complex sentences. Computational Linguistics, 20(2):301-317. 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 @ 0 0 O 0 0 O 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 find

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