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The semantics and pragmatics of nouns in concealed questions

Paper · 2020 · Hana Kalpak

Summary

The paper asks what makes a determiner phrase usable as a concealed question (CQ), i.e., a DP that is understood as an embedded question, as when "I know your age" means knowing what that age is. Earlier semantic accounts (Nathan 2006, Barker 2016, Frana 2013/2017) tie CQ readings to the head noun: relational nouns such as age or capital allow them, while unmodified sortal nouns such as brick do not. Kalpak gathers counterexamples that go both ways. "I know your card" works even though card is sortal, and "#Alex knows the mother" fails even though mother is relational. She concludes that the explanation must be pragmatic.

Her account extends Aloni & Roelofsen's (2011) conceptual-cover semantics in two ways. It adds a standard relational/sortal noun semantics, and it adopts Barker's idea of alternative domains, but treats the domain as set by context rather than fixed by the lexicon. A CQ reading needs a salient way of identifying individuals within that domain. The theory explains why relational nouns usually help (they always supply a default domain), why this tendency sometimes fails, and it removes the need for derived covers.

Key points

  • CQ availability depends mainly on whether context makes a method of identification salient over a domain of alternatives. The head noun only proposes a default domain, which context can override so that the question is non-trivial.
  • The noun taxonomy follows Partee 1997 (sortal = sets of individuals; relational = two-place relations). It also uses de Bruin & Scha 1988 to split relational nouns into functional and non-functional, and functional ones further into one-to-one (nose) and merely onto (temperature).
  • For quantified DPs, pair-list readings no longer rely on derived covers. As a result, non-functional relational nouns also get them, as in "Sam knows every phone number."
  • An unmodified sortal noun gets a pair-list reading only when context supplies two independent basic covers over the same domain. For cards, these could be suit/rank and position on the table ("Kim knows every card").
  • Modifiers help CQ readings for specific reasons:
    • favorite supplies the missing relation;
    • relative clauses make the domain resolution consistent;
    • superlatives make uniqueness easier to satisfy.
  • These modifiers are not sufficient on their own: "the reddest apple" stays odd because apples have no context-independent way of being identified.

Interesting ideas

  • I1. Instead of treating "can this DP stand for a question?" as a lexical yes/no feature, the paper treats it as a default from the noun that context may override, which avoids brittle hard rules.
  • I2. A question is only sensible if there are distinct ways to pick out the same entities (name vs. description, rank vs. position); if only one exists, the question collapses into something trivial.
  • I3. The split into sortal, relational, functional and one-to-one nouns predicts which readings appear (unique values, multiple values, pair-lists).
  • I4. Each modifier is explained by what it contributes (a relation, a consistent domain, uniqueness) rather than by being on a list of licensers.
  • I5. The paper tests its theory against minimal pairs in both directions: sortal nouns that succeed and relational nouns that fail.

For Mova

How these ideas could serve Mova, our small open language model — its files, stages and tests:

  • I1 (frames): when a DP is the object of know/reveal/find out/guess, prag could try a concealed-question frame ("know what X is") preferred for relational nouns, but also allowed for sortal nouns whenever the world offers a way to identify entities.
  • I2 (world): entities in the text world could store several identification keys (name, attributes, position), so that the system can check whether a "which one / what is it" question is non-trivial before trying to answer it.
  • I3 (world): adding these flags to the compiled noun ontology (e.g., capital functional, phone number non-functional) would help decide whether "every capital" means a single answer or a list of pairs.
  • I4 (frames): the parser could record which piece of information a modifier like favorite or a superlative supplies to a DP, so that it is clear in the trace why a definite description now picks out one referent.
  • I5 (learn): evaluation suites could include such two-sided negative controls (e.g., "knows your card" vs. "#knows the mother"), so that a rule learned from noun type alone is caught when it overgeneralises.

Our summary of the paper, in our own words — not its text. The work belongs to its authors; read it at the links above.

 Institutions

Cite

Cite as Hana Kalpak. 2020. The semantics and pragmatics of nouns in concealed questions. Semantics and Pragmatics.

The paper itself, not this page. BibTeX from the library's record of the work. DOI 10.3765/sp.13.7

@article{kalpak2020semantics,
  title = {{The semantics and pragmatics of nouns in concealed questions}},
  author = {Hana Kalpak},
  journal = {Semantics and Pragmatics},
  year = {2020},
  doi = {10.3765/sp.13.7},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.3765/sp.13.7}
}

References

19 references, 0 of them with a card of ours. ↗ leads to the work, «find» searches for one we have no id for yet.

  1. Aloni, Maria. 2001. Quantification under conceptual covers. Amsterdam: University of Amsterdam dissertation. find
  2. Aloni, Maria & Floris Roelofsen. 2011. Interpreting concealed questions. Linguistics and Philosophy 34(5). 443–478. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10988-011-9102-9. ↗
  3. Baker, Carl Leroy. 1968. Indirect questions in English. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois dissertation. find
  4. Barker, Chris. 1995. Possessive descriptions. Stanford, CA: Center for the Study of Language & Information. find
  5. Barker, Chris. 2011. Possessives and relational nouns. In Claudia Maienborn, Klaus von Heusinger & Paul Portner (eds.), Semantics: An international handbook of natural language meaning, vol. 2, 1109–1130. Berlin: de Gruyter. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110255072.1109. ↗
  6. Barker, Chris. 2016. Why relational nominals make good concealed questions. Lingua 182. 12–29. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2016.01.002. ↗
  7. Hana Kalpak de Bruin, Jos & Remko Scha. 1988. The interpretation of relational nouns. Association for Computational Linguistics (ACL) 26. 25–32. https://doi.org/10.3115/982023.982027. ↗
  8. Frana, Ilaria. 2006. The de re analysis of concealed questions: A unified approach to definite and indefinite concealed questions. Semantics and Linguistic Theory (SALT) 16. 17–34. https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v16i0.2951. ↗
  9. Frana, Ilaria. 2013. Quantified concealed questions. Natural Language Semantics 21(2). 179–218. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11050-012-9089-y. ↗
  10. Frana, Ilaria. 2017. Concealed questions. Corby: Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199670925.001.0001. ↗
  11. Groenendijk, Jeroen & Martin Stokhof. 1984. On the semantics of questions and the pragmatics of answers. Amsterdam: University of Amsterdam dissertation. find
  12. Heim, Irene. 1979. Concealed questions. In Rainer Bäuerle, Urs Egli & Arnim von Stechow (eds.), Semantics from different points of view, 51–60. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-67458-7_5. ↗
  13. Kalpak, Hana. 2019. Sortal versus relational nouns in concealed questions. Chicago Linguistic Society (CLS) 54. 325–340. find
  14. Krifka, Manfred. 2001. For a structured meaning account of questions and answers. In Caroline Féry & Wolfgang Sternefeld (eds.), Audiatur vox sapientia: Festschrift for Arnim von Stechow, 287–319. Berlin: Akademie Verlag. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783050080116.287. ↗
  15. Löbner, Sebastian. 1981. Intensional verbs and functional concepts: More on the “rising temperature” problem. Linguistic Inquiry 12(3). 471–477. http://www.jstor.org/stable/4178235. ↗
  16. Nathan, Lance Edward. 2006. On the interpretation of concealed questions. Cambridge, MA: Massachusetts Institute of Technology dissertation. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/37423. ↗
  17. Partee, Barbara. 1997. Uniformity vs. versatility: The genitive, a case study. In Johan van Benthem & Alice van ter Meulen (eds.), The handbook of logic and language, 464–470. Amsterdam: Elsevier. https://doi.org/10.1016/ B978-044481714-3/50011-4. ↗
  18. Roelofsen, Floris & Maria Aloni. 2008. Perspectives on concealed questions. Semantics and Linguistic Theory (SALT) 18. 619–636. https://doi.org/10. 3765/salt.v18i0.2500. ↗
  19. Schwager, Magdalena. 2008. Keeping prices low: An answer to a concealed question. Sinn und Bedeutung 12. 582–596. https://doi . org / 10 . 18148 / sub/2008.v12i0.708. Nouns in concealed questions Vikner, Carl & Per Anker Jensen. 2002. A semantic analysis of the English genitive: Interaction of lexical and formal semantics. Studia Linguistica 56(2). 191–226. https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9582.00092. Hana Kalpak Department of Philosophy Stockholm University Universitetsvägen 10D 106 91 Stockholm, Sweden hana.kalpak@philosophy.su.se ↗

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